When the closed cell walls become a symbol of status when closed cell walls become a status symbol of the Zhao Yawei open area after the introduction of the new deal, the team first time political interpretation of the potential problems in the implementation of the new deal and the background (click at the end of the paper, read the text view). In fact, the enclosed community has another observation angle: the social class and mentality inside and outside the enclosure. Bao Cunbiao, a Singaporean scholar, took the enclosed community in Shanghai as an example to explore how these communities led to new moral order and class consciousness. With the growth of the urban middle class, the closed community has risen rapidly in Shanghai. To meet the security, privacy and exclusivity needs of target households, developers use high walls and fences to cover the residential areas, with monitoring equipment and security personnel to restrict the entry of outsiders. In view of the district residents usually have certain social economic conditions and the corresponding pursuit of life, the community is no longer just settle down, but also become a symbol of identity and status and way of life. The wall area is created by the residents and Wuguan companies to become a quiet, harmonious and civilized space, and there are unstable and disharmonious factors outside the wall, and the society becomes the two world. As a result, households and non residents become two world people. The researchers then point out that the urban middle class often regards farmers, migrants and outsiders as rude and uncivilized people, who worry that they will threaten their peaceful and comfortable life. At present, more than four million migrant workers live in Shanghai. A few of them have. Despite such a small number of people, many urban residents will involuntarily link migrant workers with illegal crimes. For example, in September 2004, a twenty-three year old migrant workers in Zhabei District (floating population and migrant workers concentrated) kidnapping, sexual assault of a girl on the way home from school, also forced her back to Chongqing home to get married. Within weeks of the case, local media reported the dangers of migrant workers and warned parents to educate their children against strangers. In the same year, the Minhang District Public Security Bureau said: Eighty percent of the cases in the district were committed by the migrant workers. Under the combined effect of official reports, mass media, literary works and academic research, the image of urban migrants is distorted and the criminal tendency is exaggerated. Researchers recalled his research experience in a closed neighborhood in Shanghai. There was a burglary at that time. In the absence of any evidence, respondents have pointed to the nearby migrant workers. Although the District closed management, but more than half of the respondents have stolen experience, or bike stolen, or hang on the balcony clothes stolen. They blame the neighborhood security for the theft of migrant workers. Ironically, most of the community security guards themselves are migrant workers. When the media focused on the appalling cases, the urban residents deepened their misunderstanding of the migrant workers, and more disgusted with the migrant workers. They asked the community to strengthen public security management, ensure orderly within the region, and even prohibit the entry of migrant workers. In addition to security concerns, the urban middle class tends to differentiate you from hygiene. They think they live clean.)

当封闭式小区的围墙成为身份地位的象征 当封闭式小区的围墙成为身份地位的象征   文 赵雅薇   开放小区的新政出台后,政见团队第一时间解读了新政背景和执行中的潜在问题(点击文末 “阅读原文” 查看)。其实,封闭小区还有另一个观察的角度:围墙内外的社会阶层和心态。   新加坡学者鲍存彪以上海的封闭式小区为例,探讨了这些小区如何促成新的道德秩序和阶层意识。   随着城市中产阶级的壮大,封闭式小区在上海迅速兴起。为满足目标住户对安全、隐私和排他性的需求,开发商用高墙和栅栏围护小区,配合监控设备和安保人员以限制 “外人” 进入。   鉴于小区内的住户通常具备一定的社会经济基础并追求相对应的生活,这些小区不再只是安身立命之所,而同时成为了特定身份、地位和生活方式的象征。墙内区域被住户和物管公司共同打造成了一个宁静、和谐和文明的空间,与墙外存在不安定、不和谐因素的社会成为两个世界。也因此,住户和非住户成了两个世界的人。   研究者继而指出:城市中产阶级常常把农民、流动人口和外地人视作粗鲁不文明之人,担心他们会威胁到自己安定舒适的生活。当前,有超过四百万的农民工在上海居住。他们中的少数人曾经犯案。尽管这样的人很少,很多城市居民还是会不由自主地把农民工与违法犯罪联系在一起。比如,2004 年 9 月,一名二十三岁的农民工在闸北区(流动人口和农民工集中地)绑架、性侵一名放学回家路上的女童,还强行将其带回重庆老家成亲。在破案后的数周内,当地媒体报道渲染了农民工的危险性并提醒家长教育孩子防范陌生人。同年,闵行区公安局称:区内百分之八十的案件由农民工犯下。在官方报告、大众媒体、文学作品和学术研究的共同作用下,城市移民的形象被扭曲,犯罪倾向被夸大。   研究者回忆起他在上海某封闭式小区的调研经历。当时恰巧发生了一起入室盗窃案。在无任何证据的情况下,受访者纷纷把矛头指向附近的农民工。尽管该小区实行封闭管理,但超过一半的受访者都有被盗的经历,要么自行车被盗,要么晾在阳台上的衣服被盗。他们责备小区安保不严密,让农民工得以进入行窃。讽刺的是,大多数小区保安本身也是农民工。当媒体集中报道那些骇人听闻的案件时,城市居民加深了对农民工的误解而更加反感农民工。他们要求小区加强治安管理,保证区内次序井然,甚至禁止农民工进入。   除了安全方面的顾虑,城市中产阶级还倾向于用卫生来区分你我。他们认为自己住在干净整洁的小区里,追求卫生和健康的生活,与墙外的农民工有着天壤之别。在部分受访者眼中,农民工和城市贫民是脏和疾病的代名词,似乎只要与他们接近就会染上病菌。   研究者指出,中产阶级的种种担忧在一定程度上是为了凸显他们的文明程度高于贫民、农民、农民工,并让小区的排他性变得理所当然。他们把自己的生活行为方式描绘成道德规范,不同于他们的思想和行为就被说成是不文明。   这则研究给我们提供了探讨封闭式/开放式小区的一个新角度。当我们热烈争论有形的墙要不要拆、要怎么拆的时候,也应放眼望望社会中存在的无形的墙。我们当然需要更安全、更美好的生存环境,但这些有形和无形的围墙究竟是促进了和谐,还是造成了社会的分裂和误解,值得深思。   (声明:本文仅代表作者观点,不代表新浪网立场。)相关的主题文章: